This thesis examines the concept of belonging in Melilla through a framework that integrates the distribution of power structures within this North African enclave, whose sovereignty remains contested. The enclave’s history as a colonial outpost during the 1920s and 1930s has contributed to its extensive militarization, which coexists with an emerging narrative of "multiculturalism" intended to characterize the city. By employing a series of cartographies and diagrams, the study analyzes various groups of belonging and explores their underlying power dynamics from a psychoanalytical perspective.

The research contributes to urban studies debates on Melilla, addressing Spain's ongoing intention to maintain control over Ceuta and Melilla, the enclave's internal racial dynamics, its neocolonial aspects, and the roles of both states in border-related crises. By investigating how each institution of belonging correlates with political and spatial units, the thesis enhances our understanding of the flow of values and power within this complex urban environment.

Cartographies of power

Exploring belonging and culture through the cartographies of power, value, and freedom according to Karen Horney's approach to human compulsions and neuroses.

Through the category of "Institutions of Belonging" I examine the different ways that culture operates as organized structures through the human vectors of going against others (power), towards others (value), and away from others (freedom).

Cartography of power

On Marking

How is the power of various institutions of belonging manifested spatially? According to Galbraith, this is achieved through a third source of power: property. While property can also denote the accumulation of capital, in the context of the spatialization of property, it refers specifically to the ownership or restricted use of space. Thus, we can argue that the exercise of power in space essentially involves 'marking territory.' For the analysis of Melilla, I distinguish between marking, owning, and establishing territorial limits—these represent the different spatial forms of asserting control over the urban environment

The Cartography of Power / On Marking highlights various elements found throughout Melilla that serve as markers of territory or specific zones. These elements generally operate as symbols of sovereignty, often instrumentalizing cultures, religion, and even ideals of female liberation to achieve their purpose. Most of these elements, promoted by the Spanish state, aim to convey ownership of the city.

Melilla’s urban landscape is deeply imprinted with a variety of symbols related to different institutions of belonging, primarily intended to assert Spanish sovereignty. However, Melilla is not only marked in a fixed, permanent way—through Francoist monuments, static Spanish flags, or sculptures representing Spanish artists, architects, and poets—but many of its marks are fluid, changing with the city’s various festivities. As illustrated on the map, most of these symbols are either markers of "Spanishness" or military marks, often appearing in combination. Over time, the military symbols have been either replaced, reinterpreted, or modified, while the symbols of "Spanishness" have become more subtle, presented under the guise of "culture" and "civilization."

Malik, one of the interviewees, reflected on this transformation, stating, "Before, this was apartheid; now we coexist." His observation captures the shift in how these markers have evolved—from overt symbols of dominance to more nuanced expressions of identity and power within the city.

Cartography of power

On Territory

As argued in 'Power in Space', territorial boundaries, whether physical or conceptual, shape and define belonging, forming the foundation of collective identity. These boundaries require constant effort to be maintained. The map (figure 18) illustrates both the physical border of the enclave and the internal borders within it, showing how these boundaries are upheld. The physical border necessitates the continuous presence of the military and the overall 'militarization' of the city, as reflected in Figure 25. Similarly, the internal borders are reinforced through the persistent stigmatization of marginalized neighborhoods and the solidification of their economic precarity.

The most shaded areas on the map represent neighborhoods where residents in the participatory mapping process reported 'rarely visiting' or, in most cases, 'never having visited,' despite the enclave's small size. These territorial boundaries are not strongly tied to any particular demographic, with the exception of military personnel, who experience the fewest territorial restrictions. The most shaded zones include the periphery—specifically the areas around the wall—the port in F8-F9-G8-G9, and the neighborhoods in quadrants E2, E3, and E5. These neighborhoods are known as "La Cañada de la Muerte" (the neighborhood of Reina Regente) and the "Barrio Hebreo" (also called Antiguo Barrio Hebreo - Old hebrew quarter). The latter was originally named for the low-income Hebrew population who built their homes there, though today, only one Jewish household remains, with the rest of the population being Muslim. These neighborhoods are marked by the greatest ethnic homogeneity, establishing these territorial boundaries as not only racial but primarily economic.

Cartography of power

On Property

Property represents the formal act of claiming and controlling space, while limiting access for others. The cartography of property (Figure 19) illustrates areas where access is restricted, particularly those designated for specific "Institutions of Belonging," such as the military and religious groups. It also maps residential places of interviewees identified through participatory mapping, along with their affiliations with these institutions.

Over 30% of the city's territory is designated for military use, now referred to as "defense use." A smaller portion is occupied by historic military forts, which, despite being in ruins, still shape Melilla’s landscape today. Additionally, the fortifications of Melilla (F6 - F7), a prominent tourist attraction, symbolize the pervasive presence of the military in the city. Many residences in the city are reserved exclusively for military personnel, who can rent them at a nominal fee. These provisions, among others for military staff, are unique to the enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla.

Cartographies of value

Horney identifies individuals with a predominant need to move toward others as “those whose foremost striving is to be loved or approved of, and who go to any length to have this wish gratified.”

The compulsion to be loved or approved of leads to an accumulation of worthiness, or value, pursued for its own sake. Since it stems from a relational tendency—like power and freedom—value is inherently relational. It requires validation from others. Value attracts and, as a result, becomes subject to objectification.

Cartography of value

On Ornament

How does value become spatialized, and how is it consumed? In the case of value, its spatialization is even more intuitive than that of power. I argue that value becomes spatialized through materialized symbols of attractiveness—by beautifying spaces, in other words, through ornamentation. Value seeks to incorporate ornament, and in doing so, it transforms into ornament itself, creating an objectifying loop. This loop represents the endless pursuit of value aimed at pleasing power. The most illustrative example of this objectifying loop can be found in the dynamics of patriarchy

Cartography of value

On Counter-Ornament

The cartography of counter-ornament (Figure 21) illustrates the traces of disrepair and garbage in the city of Melilla, compiled through the process of walking as a method in fieldwork. The isolated areas of disrepair in the northern part of the enclave correspond to various military forts. Additionally, row E, which exhibits a significant amount of trash and disrepair, aligns with areas of lower economic income. In contrast, the clusters of disrepair and garbage in the southern part of the map are primarily located around the industrial warehouses. Finally, the remaining spots of trash are predominantly found on the periphery of the enclave, near the perimeter of the wall.

Counter-ornament reflects the concept of the non-valuable—what is deemed worthless. The distribution of these elements reveals who and what are associated with this lack of value. However, the mapped representation of disrepair and trash in Melilla does not fully capture the lived experience of it. It is common to encounter a building in ruins every few streets, along with burned containers, abandoned cars, deteriorating walls, piles of trash, exposed steel bars from concrete slabs protruding through the pavement, utility or non-utility cables on building facades, holes in walls revealing a haphazard mix of construction materials within, and fortresses with weathered facades. In short, the city is marked by unrepaired buildings, abandoned and unused structures, and discarded materials.

The cartography of ornament (Figure 20) illustrates the ornamental and landscape value of the city according to the five categories that are most influential in this context. Each category is represented by a color gradient, depending on how representative the ornamentation, landscape, or even function (such as religious buildings, shopping centers, airports) is of the different categories. Additionally, the "Capital" layer represents residential neighborhoods, with a gradient indicating economic capacity, ranging from lower (row E) to higher (H6, G6, I4, F7), and includes commercially active areas frequented by Melillenses (K6-L6). Similarly, the "Western civilization" layer shows the value associated with this concept through various elements in Melilla. While these elements are not solely representative of "Western civilization," they are included within its values. These encompass the rocky natural landscape of Melilla, the port (F8-F9-G8-G9), Melilla's fortress including the neighborhood within it and the museums housed there (F7-G7), and to a lesser extent, the airport (H2-I3-J3-J4) and the wooded natural landscapes (rows A to D), excluding the neglected and barren terrain used for military practices.

The cartography of counter-ornament (Figure 21) illustrates the traces of disrepair and garbage in the city of Melilla, compiled through the process of walking as a method in fieldwork. The isolated areas of disrepair in the northern part of the enclave correspond to various military forts. Additionally, row E, which exhibits a significant amount of trash and disrepair, aligns with areas of lower economic income. In contrast, the clusters of disrepair and garbage in the southern part of the map are primarily located around the industrial warehouses. Finally, the remaining spots of trash are predominantly found on the periphery of the enclave, near the perimeter of the wall.

Counter-ornament reflects the concept of the non-valuable—what is deemed worthless. The distribution of these elements reveals who and what are associated with this lack of value. However, the mapped representation of disrepair and trash in Melilla does not fully capture the lived experience of it. It is common to encounter a building in ruins every few streets, along with burned containers, abandoned cars, deteriorating walls, piles of trash, exposed steel bars from concrete slabs protruding through the pavement, utility or non-utility cables on building facades, holes in walls revealing a haphazard mix of construction materials within, and fortresses with weathered facades. In short, the city is marked by unrepaired buildings, abandoned and unused structures, and discarded materials.

Cartographies of freedom

The third tendency described by Horney is the one characterized for going away, the need to compulsively withdraw. It is characterized for a sense of resignation, avoiding the assertion of their value or their power, that seeks to escape through their own mind. Within this compulsion “it is not his life but a life which he observes, and in which he has no active part.”

For freedom, value and power exist in the realm of fantasy. In this context, freedom is a relational term. It is the result of compulsively running away from others, so it culminates in isolation, in human isolation. It compulsively withdraws from any social imposition, whether it is propriety, the pursuit of value, the obligations of responsibility, or the impositions of power.

Therefore, this thesis’ rendition of freedom is more accurately portrayed by Steiner’s choice of the German word ‘Freiheit’. Understood, not as freedom of movement, nor either as freedom of choice, but as freedom of the mind.150 The outcome of the pure compulsion to withdraw, to go away from people, not only from their presence but also from their systems.

Cartography of freedom

In the topic of our concern, freedom does not have a place for spatial analysis, but it is the locus of the theoretical one. It opposes to cities, and it opposes to belonging. However, while ‘pure Freiheit’ is not physically represented in cities, value and power can also operate for the sake of freedom. In that way, I argue that value for the sake of freedom seeks to bring value back to those categories or practices dismissed by power, to value and normalize the marginalized: this act will, therefore, be referred to as self-determination. On the other hand, power for the sake of freedom is the organization that seeks to break free from existing hegemonic power structures. In contrast to established power, it emerges as a reaction to oppression with the purpose of liberating the oppressed: It is the case of resistance.

The placement of resistance indicates who is compelled to exercise it. Few other cartographies in this thesis illustrate the spatialization of oppression as accurately as the locations of resistance in the Cartography of Freedom (Figure 22). These locations represent the efforts to assert resistance and self-determination within the built environment of Melilla. The location of these resistance efforts is unsurprising, as it coincides with the previously mentioned "Barrio de la Cañada" and "Barrio Hebreo," as well as other areas in rows E and F up to column 6. These areas represent neighborhoods facing economic precariousness and, as noted, are predominantly inhabited by Muslim residents.

Cartographies of belonging

The presence of value systems, power structures, and attempts to achieve freedom in the enclave of Melilla are read through urban semiotic analysis, utilizing and classifying the built environment into a set of signs that carry intentions of power assertion and the imposition of ‘propriety’ rules. The different systems that uphold their values and cultures in Melilla are termed “Institutions of Belonging.”

Because of the idiosyncrasy of the ‘multicultural’ aspect of the enclave, the starting point, therefore, is a culturalist approach to the city. These cultural formations are analyzed with the lenses of power and their respective ideological loyalties, manifesting as symbols of belonging through physical characteristics. In this manner, because of the nature of the contested sovereignty of the enclave, Melilla provides a rich symbolic urban landscape, encompassing different forms of identitarian assertions in space. These symbols are often operationalized as flags and territorial markers.

Cartography of belonging

On the Household

In an attempt to carry a holistic approach, while going to the root of the most elementary spatialized concepts, this framework provides the opportunity to critically examine the power vector dance of space and to clearly elucidate their interconnections. I argue that tracking power in cities through belonging allows us to draw connections between conditioned and coercive power at a glance – as will be shown in the cartographies. Which allow us to create the glasses for clearly observing the negotiation of groups, norms, and propriety, through conflicting moralities and conflicting proprieties.

This is particularly useful in a neoliberal context, and more specifically in Melilla’s cultural landscape, where discrimination tends to be concealed within the narratives, but it is still present in the space. Since as movements of resistance and self-determination in Melilla managed to re-signify the different racial categories and to occupy space in a more egalitarian way, the hegemonic discourses managed to conceal their discourses in order to adapt to the advancements of resistance, while maintaining spatial restrictions and inequalities.

In this context, each political unit—whose purpose includes maintaining spatial restrictions—is linked to a distinct mode of oppression, along with its corresponding movements of resistance, self-determination, and transgression. Accordingly, I will distinguish between five different spatial units that operate in Melilla as forces that homogenize behavior, generate a sense of belonging, and produce territory that are necessary for critically assessing the cartographies of belonging: the household, the neighborhood, the enclave, the nation, and the empire.

Patriarchal impositions that confine women to the "household" extend their influence beyond the household's physical boundaries, functioning like territorial borders. In this context, the cartography of the household highlights areas that both women (marked in red) and men (in green) infrequently access. These areas are shaded and overlapped to indicate the limits of mobility identified by the participants. The more shaded an area, the greater the number of individuals who avoid it. A deeper red indicates a higher number of women who do not access a particular area, while a deeper green indicates the same for men. The map also traces the movement patterns of both genders using the same color coding. The cartography reveals a broader spatial distribution of men across the city, corresponding to a higher concentration of women in central areas.

In the overlapping of demographics, I observed no significant ethnic-based differences between men and women. Thus, they are not shown in the cartography. However, there is a slighttendency for Muslim women to access northern areas -the ones with lower economical income-, while Christian women’s mobility is slightly more concentrated around the seafront. This tendencies are more representative of class differences rather than gender-ethnic-based ones.

Cartography of belonging

On the Neighborhood

The cartography of belonging in the neighborhood reveals class stratification. The residential areas of the city are displayed using a color code that represents a gradient of four economic classes. These data were obtained from the INE (National Institute of Statistics). Additionally, the residences of the interviewees in the participatory mapping process are shown using the same color code, along with the routes they typically take.

However, in Melilla, class differences are deeply tied to space, preserving the same class hierarchy that existed at the beginning of the enclave's urbanization. The precarious conditions of self-built neighborhoods are inextricably linked to the land itself. These neighborhoods were constructed in areas where the geographical terrain was so challenging that urbanization would have been economically prohibitive. Consequently, economically disadvantaged individuals established their homes in these "empty slots," adapting their self-built structures to difficult-to-access geographies that still limit the presence of various services today. In many cases, the streets are only about a meter wide between buildings, with narrow corridors alternating between flat ground, ramps, and stairs.

Cartography of belonging

On the Enclave

The cartography of belonging within the enclave illustrates the omnipresence of the military institution through various forms. This map displays the different symbols and identity markers scattered throughout the city, including areas designated exclusively for military use, elements that add military value to the city (such as fortresses, abandoned forts, militaristic symbols like cannons pointing toward the strait, and sculptures of legionaries and military personnel), and the residences of interviewees identified as military personnel in the participatory mapping.

The military collective is the only group that experiences minimal territorial restrictions. In the participatory mapping, it was common to hear statements such as, "I go everywhere; I am a soldier." The military omnipresence is conveniently obscured by the promotion of the enclave's multiculturalism. However, it is presented as a haven for celebrating its values and institution. It is important to note that, although no women were identified as part of the military institution, there was a significant number of Muslim men. In most cases, the economic and racial hierarchies present in the broader Melillan society are mirrored within the military class, with higher ranks occupied by "Christian" men and lower ranks by "Muslim" men.

Cartography of belonging

On the Empire

The cartography of belonging—on the empire—shows the values attributed to various institutions of belonging within the built environment of Melilla and the different paths taken by the interviewees during the participatory mapping process, distinguishing between those referred to as "Christians" (Melilla residents of Caucasian ethnicity who are neither Jewish nor Romani) and those referred to as "Muslims."

In this context, the reference to the "empire" pertains to the coalition of nations that represent values transcending national borders. Specifically, it refers to the values understood as "Western civilization," which are often associated with a (not-so) homogenized European culture. Mellilla's intentions to present itself as the "good European city" are both explicitly and implicitly embedded in the built environment of Melilla, as explained in the previous cartographies. This cartography illustrates the concentration of these symbols around the central core of the enclave, particularly around Plaza de España (G6) and along the seafront perimeter (column 7). However, the gradient fades as it approaches the border fence.

That is one of the contradictions revealed by this cartography: while the construction of the fence was a prerequisite for Spain's entry into the European Union and was largely funded by the EU, its recognition is contrary to the promoted values of multiculturalism and "civilization." In this context, the majority of the enclave’s ornamentation is directed toward the European gaze and its validation. Conversely, the narratives accompanying these values depict the figure of the Muslim as outside the category of "civilization," as argued in the chapter on "otherization." This correlation is also evident in how the various groups occupy the city in relation to the projected value system.